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In recent years justice system intervention (arrest, prosecution) has been advanced in the United States and Canada as a tool to prevent future violence among already violent men. Until the late 1970s the traditional response by police to domestic calls (when they responded at all) was to walk the abuser around the block, using arrest only as a last resort This changed dramatically in the United States during the 1980s as police departments-responding to pressure from advocates for battered women, fear of liability suits, and a flurry of new mandatory arrest laws-began to arrest offenders for intimate assaults. Also prompting the shift in social policy were research results from Minneapolis, published in 1984, suggesting that, compared with separating couples or advising them to get help, arrest cut in half the risk of future assaults over a six-month follow-up period (Sherman and Berk 1984). These findings were widely publicized by advocates seeking to criminalize wife assault and thus end the double standard of policing for private and public violence.
But recent studies have called into question the results of the Minneapolis experiment (Schmidt and Sherman 1993). Of five studies, only two (Colorado Springs and Miami) found even weak support for the greater efficacy of arrest compared with other police interventions. Detailed analysis reveals that the effect of arrest varies with characteristics of the perpetrator. When the perpetrator is married or employed, or both, arrest reduces recidivism, but for unemployed and unattached perpetrators, arrest actually increased abuse in some cities. Some have interpreted employment and marriage as measures of “social embeddedness,” arguing that arrest deters men who have more to lose (Sherman and Smith 1992). But it is equally plausible that employment is a surrogate for other factors not measured, such as education, self-esteem, and socioeconomic standing. Teasing out the exact nature and causes of the differential effect will require further analysis and research. .
Box 8 Initiatives to prevent gender-based violence.
In Kingston, Jamaica, three groups use popular theater for prevention education on Bender violence. The artistic collective System uses interactive workshops and street theater to prompt discussions on issues of domestic violence arid rape. The Women’s Media Watch protests violence and objectionable portrayals of women in the media and uses theater work with young people to help them grapple with complex questions relating to sexuality and sexual violence. Teens in Action, a community group formed after the brutal rape and murder of a young girl, performs drama to encourage critical reflection in their neighborhood on issues of sexuality, male-female relationships, and rape (Popular Education Research Group 1992).
In Ontario, Canada, the Ministry of Education’s Violence Prevention Initiative schools children in the three “R’s” plus one: relationships. The program includes a school-based family violence prevention curriculum tested in the schools in 1991-92, a Handbook for the Prevention of Family Violence developed with the input of more than 60 professionals, and a family violence training program for school personnel. The project has published and distributed thousands of pamphlets and storybooks, sponsored theater groups, organized parent-teacher days, and worked with schools, the police, medical staff, shelter workers, and social service agencies to make them more aware of the issue (Etue 1991).
In Brooklyn, New York, the Anti-Violence Education Project uses self-defense training as an entree for discussing violence prevention with children in the public schools. The project holds weekly sessions to teach children self-defense and nonviolent ways to resolve conflict. It draws analogies between relationship strategies and the philosophy of karate; it teaches that the martial arts do not condone violence, but instead that the true master is the one who can use the least force to achieve his or her ends. It also teaches children to look critically at how the media misrepresent the martial arts through the depiction of such pseudo-heros as Bruce Lee (Ellman 1993).
Education Wife Assault (EWA) in Toronto, Ontario, works with immigrant and refugee women to help them develop culturally appropriate violence prevention campaigns for their community. The EWA holds “skill shops” that give women leaders the skills they need to develop their own culturally specific programs against domestic violence. It then provides technical support to the women carrying out the campaigns. The EWA’s staff also lend emotional support to women organizers to help them overcome the isolation and the backlash often directed at women working against domestic violence because of perceptions that they are threatening community and cultural cohesiveness (Center for Women’s Global Leadership 1992).
This is not to say that arrest serves no useful purpose in domestic violence cases, but only that it may not, on average, reduce recidivism more effectively than other possible police interventions. In fact, advocates’ original objective in promoting arrest was not to deter future violence, but to interrupt current abuse and to ensure women’s equal protection under the law (Stark 1993). The questionable ability of arrest to deter intimate assaults makes it no less effective than for other crimes: the literature on juvenile delinquency and on general criminology offers little empirical or theoretical support for arrest deterring juvenile or adult offenders (Gellees 1993). It may also be that arrest alone is not enough. A study by Steinman (1989) found that arrest in isolation from other criminal justice sanctions produced greater subsequent violence. But v/hen part of an integrated justice system response that included prosecution and court-mandated treatment, arrests offered significant protection from further abuse.

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